A new book has been released called “The Evolution of Political Conservatism in America since the New Deal.” It was written by Tao Wenzhao, an honorary member of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and a research fellow at the Institute of American Studies. This scholarly endeavor, a significant contribution to Chinese academic discourse on American politics, offers a panoramic and incisive analysis on the formation, evolution, defining traits and influence of American political conservatism from the era of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal to the present day.
In this seminal work, Tao meticulously sorts out the main viewpoints of famous conservative thinkers while examining the key policies and implications of prominent conservative politicians in the post-New Deal era, including Senator Robert Taft, Senator Barry Goldwater, Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush and Donald J. Trump. He walks readers through the ebb and flow of various conservative factions, including traditional conservatives, neoconservatives, the Tea party movement and the so-called alternative right. His writing combines academic rigor with engaging narratives set in their sweeping historical context. The book provides a richly textured examination of the subject matter.
The construction of theories and the transformation of political parties represent the primary means through which American conservatives have assumed control. In his analysis of the ascent of a well-known American conservative figure, Barry Goldwater, Tao explores the influential role of conservative intellectuals such as Friedrich August von Hayek, Russell Kirk and William F. Buckley Jr.He underscores the significance of the political manifesto “The Conscience of a Conservative,” a book by Goldwater, that was instrumental in shaping conservative campaigns. Despite his loss in the 1964 presidential election, Goldwater's campaign was recognized as a watershed moment that marked the “transition of conservatism from an ideological movement to a political force.” In the 1980s, President Ronald Reagan was the marquee player in the rising conservative movement in the United States, which set up think tanks, refined policy agendas, shaped public discourse and campaigned vigorously to achieve and robust political support.Tao provides an intriguing and comprehensive analysis of the intricate dynamics between Reagan and the conservative think tanks. It also offers a distinctive examination of the roles played by various political entities, including religious conservative forces and institutions such as the Heritage Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute, Hoover Institute and the Committee on the Present Dangers.
The neoconservative movement has had a profound impact on American politics and diplomacy and remains formidable to this day. The book provides a detailed account of the origins, key figures and influence of American neoconservatism. When it examines the close relationship between the neo-conservatives and the Reagan and Bush administrations, the author suggests that Charles Krauthammer and others influenced policymaking by leading public opinion, while Paul Wolfowitz and Richard Perle shaped foreign policy through participation in government.Reagan, “a conservative and a realist at the same time who was not unduly influenced by the neoconservatives around him,” pursued an assertive stance against the Soviet Union. He also pulled off detente with Mikhail Gorbachev when the moment called for it. Reagan's leadership significantly bolstered the morale of American conservatives and was credited in political and academic circles for leading the country out of the negative political shade of the Vietnam War.In stark contrast, the George W. Bush administration, under the persistent persuasion of neoconservatives, started military offensives in Iraq without compelling evidence and under false pretenses. This culminated in a substantial strategic misstep, depleting both America's hard and soft power, not to mention plunging Iraq into prolonged chaos.
A salient feature of the American conservative revolution is its association with populism. The Republican Party has shifted toward a more conservative and populist stance, driven by fervent populist rhetoric and “paranoid” politics, as exemplified by influential figures such as Goldwater in the 1960s, Newt Gingrich in the 1990s and Donald Trump today. Conservatives used hyperbolic and provocative language to amplify the perceived flaws of liberalism, sideline moderate Republicans and challenge both liberals and the Democratic Party to prepare for their “takeover” of the GOP. The book's exploration of the interplay between conservatism and populism offers valuable insights on the Tea Party movement and Trumpism.
A Chinese reader may be struck by the vehemence with which American conservative politicians vilified, demonized and attacked communism, socialism and collectivism. The rationale behind this animosity is twofold: It stems from the commitment to individualism, aversion to government intervention and advocacy for “equality of opportunity” over “equality of outcome.” It is also related to their vehement opposition to the civil rights movement, sympathy or even promotion of white supremacist ideologies and their inclination toward populism.This strong anti-communist stance is exemplified by such things as Goldwater's support for the notorious Joseph McCarthy, neoconservatives' desire to “liberate” the Soviet Union beyond the policy of containment and the current Republican conservatives' clamor to “defeat China” rather than “manage the competition with China.” It is imperative for China to remain vigilant against this extreme element within the American conservative political spectrum.
During a chat, Tao revealed that he wrote the book “with a clear conscience” to underline his commitment to his convictions, especially regarding his views on Trumpism. He put it this way: “Those who obey me shall flourish, and those who defy me shall wither.”The selection of historical sources in the book mirrors the author's perspectives. He views Trump's approach to governance as having authoritarian tendencies. Trump has gathered around him a coterie of people who thrive on flattery and preferential treatment. The allure of power has drawn opportunists, including those who in private acknowledge Trump's defeat in the 2020 election, yet continue peddling his false claims in disregard of their constitutional pledges. The comments by former Republican congresswoman Liz Cheney, who stood out in her party for her support and leadership in the inquiry of the Capitol insurrection, resonate with particular poignancy.
With the 2024 U.S. presidential election looking like a neck-and-neck race, and with the outcome still hanging in the balance, Tao shares his keen insights and sheds light on the potential future of American politics. He suggests that a pivotal issue for American conservatism is whether traditional mainstream conservatism could merge with populist conservatism and national conservatism, and then re-emerge. In the absence of a figure like Reagan, the disarray within the conservative movement is likely to persist. However, Trump has also significantly transformed the Republican Party. Regardless of the outcome of the election, Trump will not disappear from the American political scene in the foreseeable future. He is poised to leave an even more prominent mark.
Considering the broader historical context and the current political landscape, it seems unlikely that conservatism will regain the influence it once had — during the Reagan era, for example. For more than three decades since the end of the Cold War, conservatism and liberalism have been engaged in a high-stakes competition. However, the era when each ideology was vying for a pivotal role in shaping electoral outcomes has passed. Both major political parties are currently grappling with a crisis of identity and a search for a clear purpose. As neither can afford a defeat, they are both striving to capture the White House and set the course and agenda for the nation, aiming not just for the next four years but for the next four decades.Tao says that the United States is currently undergoing a crisis that is rare in its history. The two parties are embroiled in increasingly bitter disputes, with political polarization exacting a heavy toll on American democracy. Achieving compromise, reconciliation, concessions and reasonable dialogue has become increasingly difficult.
