2021年8月6日，太平洋島國論壇舉行年度會議開幕式，美國總統拜登透過視頻連線的方式發表講話，這是美國總統首次在該會議上致詞。

美國國家安全委員會印太事務協調員坎貝爾表示，太平洋島國“在價值觀、聯合國中作用、健康挑戰、氣候變化、潛在軍事價值、漁業資源等方面已經日益成為競技場”。隨後，拜登政府在該地區動作頻頻，矛頭直指遏制中國影響力擴張。8月，美國總統歷史上首次以視頻方式出席太平洋島國論壇並致辭，將這一波外交攻勢推向頂峰。

拜登政府將南太平洋視為“競技場”，既表明美國已將爭奪太平洋島國上升至戰略新高度，也折射出美國等西方國家在該地區影響力面臨現實危機。美國政策發力的出發點或有以下幾個方面：

首先，美國看重太平洋島國的地緣價值。太平洋島國是海上交通要道和樞紐，地處美國構築的對華第二與第三島鏈中間地帶。在中美戰略博弈、拜登政府持續推動外交和軍事資源向印太聚焦的背景下，南太地區已逐步成為中美競爭前沿，地緣重要性愈發突顯。

其次，中國推動與太平洋島國經貿合作。太平洋島國具有“小島嶼、大海洋”特點，相關國家同屬不發達經濟體，但專屬經濟區資源豐富，在基建、能源、農業等方面發展潛力較大。中國與太平洋島國優勢互補、開放合作、共享發展，在“一帶一路”倡議推動下，雙方在基建、經貿、旅遊、教育等領域合作成果顯著，有力推動了相關國家的經濟發展和民生改善。中國與太平洋島國的外交關係也隨之升溫，先後與所羅門群島建交、與基里巴斯復交。巴布亞新幾內亞、斐濟等11個太平洋島國相繼簽署“一帶一路”合作諒解備忘錄。

最後，西方國家政治干預引發不滿。美國一直將太平洋島國視為勢力範圍，澳大利亞和新西蘭等盟友藉助太平洋島國論壇等區域機制長期壟斷地區事務。但今年2月，密克羅尼西亞聯邦、帛琉、馬紹爾群島、瑙魯和基里巴斯五國因不滿澳方干預太平洋島國論壇秘書長選舉而“集體退群”，引發美國等西方國家高度關注和警惕。

在此背景下，美國開始放低身段，親自插手地區事務，突出對華競爭，以圖迅速恢復地區秩序，達到亡羊補牢之效。從近期情況看，拜登政府或從以下三方面着力，持續坐實南太“競技場”論調，以強化對華博弈。

第一，外交事務推議題。區域治理方面，首先平息域內國家怨氣，挽回政治失分。坎貝爾解釋稱，美國在太平洋島嶼國家“有巨大歷史道義和戰略價值，但有時我們忘記了這一點”。他承諾將舉行太平洋島國會議作為未來一段時期內與澳、新、日及其他盟友合作的首要事項。美國國家安全顧問沙利文與太平洋島國大使通電話，強調將擴大區域參與，深化外交關係，共同應對氣候變化、新冠疫情、非法捕魚和海上安全等問題。氣候變化方面，國務卿布林肯承諾向太平洋島國提供專家、技術和更多投資，提升相關國家基礎設施和農業等領域的韌性。抗疫援助方面，美國將重點通過國際開發署等機構提升在相關國家人員數量，加大援助資金規模，對沖所謂中國“疫苗外交”。拜登總統也保證，將向地區國家無附帶條件捐贈疫苗。

第二，經濟建設提標準。布林肯提醒太平洋國家領導人警惕“對基於規則的國際秩序的威脅”和“經濟脅迫”，提出區域投資和開發要符合經濟社會可持續、公開透明、自主決策等三大標準，拐彎抹角指責中國“一帶一路”項目。同時，西方媒體不斷炒作巴布亞新幾內亞深陷中國“債務泥潭”，渲染中國在基里巴斯坎頓島的機場和港口建設項目意在搶佔太平洋戰略要地，持續對華輿論抹黑。在美國政治干預和施壓下，中國企業參與的太平洋海底光纖電纜項目和薩摩亞港口建設項目近期也不斷傳出擱淺消息。

第三，海上安全重威懾。海警方面，美國以中國漁船、海警和海軍強化在南太平洋存在為名，提升美國海岸警衛隊在西太平洋前沿部署規模，包括在關島和美屬薩摩亞部署巡邏船，並首次在美國駐澳大利亞使館派駐海岸警衛隊官員。美國甚至希望探索以海岸警衛隊聯合巡邏、聯合執法或美方執法人員登船指導等方式，對中國在南太平洋海域的遠洋漁船等開展驅離、緊追和登船檢查等執法活動，實現短時間內提升太平洋島國海上態勢感知和開展“維權行動”的能力。海軍方面，美國印太司令部司令在國會提出，在西太第一島鏈分散建立能夠經受敵人攻擊的精準打擊作戰網絡，在太平洋島國帛琉部署戰術多功能雷達，並在各處建立多個聯合訓練基地，補強對華常規威懾力量。此後，帛琉總統近期訪美並會見美國防長奧斯汀時，雙方開始討論美軍進駐帛琉的必要性及其對華威懾效果。

由上觀之，拜登政府所謂“競技場”論調還是沒有跳出零和博弈思維，其出發點是美國利益，而非島國需求，立意在“破”，而非“構”。其政治遏制、經濟圍堵、軍事威懾等動作明顯帶有應手棋和後手棋的意味，短期內或許會在南太地區造成一定波動，但長期來看無助於太平洋島國發展，最終難以逃脫“竹籃打水一場空”的宿命。

2021年8月6日，太平洋島國論壇舉行年度會議開幕式，美國總統拜登透過視頻連線的方式發表講話，這是美國總統首次在該會議上致詞。

Kurt Campbell, the coordinator for Indo-Pacific affairs on the U.S. National Security Council, said of the island nations of the Pacific: “Increasingly, again, this is an arena of competition both in terms of values, their role at the United Nations, their health challenges, climate change, their potential role militarily, healthy fishing stocks — just down the list.” The Biden administration then made a number of moves in the region, targeting the expansion of Chinese influence. This diplomatic offensive culminated in August with the first video appearance and address by a U.S. president at the Pacific Islands Forum.

The Biden administration's view of the South Pacific as an arena of competition indicates that the U.S. has raised the competition over Pacific Island nations to a new strategic level, but it also reflects the real crisis facing the U.S. and other Western countries in the region. The starting point of the U.S. policy may be the following:

First, the United States sees the geopolitical value of the Pacific Island nations. These countries are transportation hubs that lie along the main sea routes in the middle of the second and third island chains and are useful to the U.S. against China. In the context of the China-U.S. strategic competition and the Biden administration's continued push to focus diplomatic and military resources on the Indo-Pacific, the South Pacific region has gradually become the front line of Sino-U.S. competition, and its geopolitical importance has become more prominent.

Second, China is promoting economic and trade cooperation with Pacific Island countries. These countries may be characterized as small islands, large oceans and underdeveloped economies, but they have rich resources in their exclusive economic zones and greater development potential in infrastructure, energy and agriculture. China and the Pacific Island countries can complement each other, engage in open cooperation and share development. Under the Belt and Road Initiative, the two sides have achieved remarkable results in cooperation in economy and trade, infrastructure, tourism and education, which have strongly contributed to the development of the economies and the improvement of island people's lives.China has also warmed up its diplomatic relations with the island countries, establishing diplomatic relations with the Solomon Islands and restoring diplomatic relations with Kiribati. Eleven Pacific Island countries, including Papua New Guinea and Fiji, have signed memorandums of understanding on cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative.

Finally, the political interference of Western countries has caused discontent. The United States has always regarded the Pacific Island countries as within its sphere of influence, and its allies, including Australia and New Zealand, have long monopolized regional affairs through mechanisms such as the Pacific Islands Forum.But in February this year, five Pacific Island nations — the Federated States of Micronesia, Palau, the Marshall Islands, Nauru and Kiribati, withdrew from the Pacific Islands Forum because of dissatisfaction over Australian interference in the election of its secretary-general, triggering a high degree of concern and vigilance in the United States and other Western countries.

In this context, the U.S. began to condescend to get more involved in regional affairs and highlighting competition with China in an attempt to quickly restore regional order and achieve the effect of gathering lost sheep.The latest developments suggest that the Biden administration may focus on the following three areas to reinforce its view of an arena of competition with China.

1. Developing foreign affairs issues. In terms of regional governance, first of all, the Biden administration will work to calm the grievances of the countries in the region and to recover political points lost. Campbell explained: “These are islands which we have enormous historical, moral and strategic interest in, and sometimes we forget that.”He also promised: “So one of the things that we are looking to do over the course of the next little while, working closely with allies like Australia, New Zealand, Japan and others, is to convene with Pacific Island nations to talk about arenas of common purpose.”U.S. National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan spoke by phone with the ambassadors of Pacific Island nations, emphasizing the need to broaden regional engagement, deepen diplomatic ties and work together on issues such as climate change, the COVID-19 epidemic, illegal fishing and maritime security. On climate change, Secretary of State Antony Blinken pledged to provide Pacific Island nations with experts, technology and more investment to boost the resilience of related countries in areas such as infrastructure and agriculture.In addition, the U.S. will focus on hedging against China's so-called vaccine diplomacy by increasing the number of personnel and the scale of funding in the countries concerned through agencies such as the U.S. Agency for International Development. President Biden has also pledged to donate vaccines to countries in the region with no strings attached.

2. Raising economic development standards. Blinken warned leaders of Pacific Island countries about “threats to the rules-based international order” and “economic coercion.” He proposed that regional investment and development should meet three main standards: economic and social sustainability, openness and transparency and autonomous decision-making — a veiled swipe at China's Belt and Road projects.In addition, Western media continue to speculate that Papua New Guinea is mired in the “Chinese loan quagmire” and that China's airport and port construction projects on Kiribati's Canton Island are designed to seize strategic positions in the Pacific, again smearing China through public opinion.Because of U.S. political interference and pressure, Chinese companies' participation in the Pacific submarine fiber-optic cable project and the Samoa port construction project was recently put on hold.

3. Emphasizing deterrence in maritime security. On the maritime policing front, the United States has boosted the scale of its Coast Guard forward deployments in the Western Pacific, including the deployment of patrol vessels in Guam and American Samoa. For the first time, the U.S. has stationed Coast Guard officers at the U.S. embassy in Australia, under pretext of countering any expansion of Chinese fishing vessels, maritime police and Navy in the South Pacific.The U.S. even hopes to explore the use of joint coast guard patrols and joint law enforcement (with U.S. law enforcement personnel on board) to guide law enforcement activities such as dispersal, hot pursuit and the boarding and inspection of China's oceangoing fishing vessels in South Pacific waters — all this to enhance the Pacific Island countries' awareness of maritime developments and their ability to carry out “rights defense operations” in a short period of time.On the naval front, the chief of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command proposed to Congress the establishment of a precision strike combat network capable of withstanding enemy attacks in the first island chain of the western Pacific, the deployment of tactical multifunctional radars in the Pacific Island nation of Palau and the establishment of multiple joint training bases in various locations to strengthen conventional deterrence against China.Recently, when the President of Palau visited the Washington and met with U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin, the two sides began discussing the need for U.S. forces to be stationed in Palau and their deterrent effect on China.

All this suggests that the Biden administration's notion of an arena of competition still has not broken out of a zero-sum game mentality. It starts from U.S. interests, rather than from the needs of the island nations. Its intention is to break rather than construct.The political containment, economic containment, military deterrence and other actions of the United States are obviously meant to counter Chinese moves. In the short term, they may cause some ripples in the South Pacific region, but in the long run they will not contribute to development. They will ultimately come to nothing.