在上任的100多天里，唐納德·特朗普總統尚未制定出清晰而簡明的亞洲政策。特朗普政府對該地區言辭、行動和聲明當中缺少明確性與一致性，給亞洲製造了安全困境。

由於美國對亞洲態度如此模糊不清，該地區國家便投向中國和其他合作夥伴，甚至增強自身軍事力量和軍事存在，以確保它們的利益，填補美國留下的空白。所有地區國家都對它們與美國和特朗普政府的關係憂心忡忡。美國領導層必須最終制定一個計劃，盡量減小地區穩定的崩塌。

特朗普總統尚未補上其政府外交政策團隊中許多關鍵職位的空缺，他的參謀人員中依然缺少真正的中國問題專家。而且，特朗普至今沒有提出駐韓國大使的人選。這是一個關鍵的外交職位，因為首爾最近出現政治變局，好戰的朝鮮又不斷加劇緊張，增加人們對衝突的擔心。到目前為止美國也沒有在南海進行航行自由行動，實際上特朗普任職後幾乎徹底避開了南海，這與他的競選言論完全不同。（譯者註：5月24日，美軍執行了特朗普任內首次航行自由行動。）當宣布美國航母打擊群將前往朝鮮半島，壓制朝鮮的攻擊性行為時，這隻艦隊實際上是向相反方向航行。

與此同時，中國宣布在南海永暑島部署火箭炮，為的是保衛這個菲律賓、越南和台灣也聲稱擁有主權的人造島。美國尚未回應這一說法，特朗普也沒有如他競選時所說的那樣，去解決中國在南海持續不斷的軍事化。

像菲律賓這樣的地區國家，這個美國曾經的堅定盟友，已經與中國達成了若干合作措施（儘管杜特爾特總統經常發表離奇的聲明），說明它懷疑美國在南海打擊中國的意願和能力。

在日本，首相安倍晉三計劃針對自衛隊的作用進行修憲。安倍希望2020年前完成對憲法和平條款第九條的修訂，使日本的軍事力量不再受限制。這種主動性的以前難以想像的想法，是為了面對朝鮮不斷的軍事威脅及打到日本海岸附近的導彈試射。東京還試圖加強自身能力，在與中國有重疊領土主張的地方投射影響力。

中國堅決反對日本的任何軍事化，反對日本給東海、南海的兩國多個領土爭端帶來任何更大威脅。而沒有美國可靠的戰略，日本會覺得只有一支更強更全的軍隊才是它對付中國和朝鮮的唯一安全手段。對20世紀日本帝國主義的回憶讓北京團結，它不願意在其海岸外面對一個重新武裝起來的日本。今年2月舉行會晤期間，特朗普告訴安倍，美國承諾保護日本的安全，但那次聲明之後美國並沒有後續的政策或行動。

中國同樣受到部署在韓國的美國“薩德”反彈道導彈系統的威脅，這可能是美國為該地區作出的最有力的安全承諾，但它卻始於奧巴馬政府。北京對“薩德”的強烈反對有可能使它不願採取措施抑制朝鮮日益增長的威脅，從而對它所認為的自身彈道導彈威懾力受到威脅進行報復。

美國參與的缺失和溝通上的含糊不清，製造了一種安全真空。顯然，在擔心沒有美國的介入，沒有連貫的政策情況下，美國在這一地區的盟友開始尋找其他手段保衛自己的安全。在需要一個堅定可靠的政策來避免該地區陷入日益加劇的安全困境之際，美國對亞洲缺少明確的溝通與一致是危險的。這種困境如不迅速轉向，就會惡性循環為地區軍備競賽，破壞亞洲的穩定，增加衝突的機會。

對地區安全和穩定來說，美國明確而強大的存在至關重要。特朗普總統在外交和與其他國家領導人溝通時仍然過分倚重商業技巧，把他們過於像商業合作夥伴來對待。而在國際關係中，不能指望私人關係解決所有糾紛，不能讓外國領導人配合并不存在的政策或空話。

特朗普政府必須迅速行動填補關鍵職位，並制定出連貫性政策，這種政策要讓人看到後續的跡象。除非美國的地區立場趨於穩定，盟友的信任得以恢復，整個地區休戚與共，否則朝鮮問題是無法解決的。

當前形勢下初見端倪的安全困境對包括美國在內的所有相關國家都具有獨一無二的風險，這中間，美國對本地區政策的不斷缺失將導致力量平衡被重塑。夸夸其談和空洞的許諾解決不了亞洲安全問題，只有參與和制定出清晰的戰略方針才能解決。

Through his first 100-plus days in office President Donald Trump has yet to form a clear and concise Asia policy. This lack of clarity and consistency in the Trump administration's rhetoric, actions, and statements about the region is creating a security dilemma in Asia.

With the United States showing such ambiguity towards Asia, regional states have reached out to China and other partners, and even moved to increase their own military capabilities and presence to secure their interests and fill the void left by America. All area states are worried about their relationship with the U.S. and the Trump administration. A plan must come eventually from American leadership in order to minimize the breakdown of regional stability.

President Trump has yet to fill many key positions on his administration's foreign policy team, and is still lacking true China experts on his staff. Further, Trump has yet to nominate a candidate for Ambassador to South Korea, a key diplomatic position given Seoul's recent political transition and a bellicose North Korea continually raising tensions and fears of conflict. The U.S. has not run any freedom of navigation operations (FONOP) in the South China Sea, and has actually avoided the South China Sea nearly all together under Trump – a flip from his campaign rhetoric. When it was announced a U.S. carrier strike group would approach the Korean Peninsula to quell North Korean aggression, the fleet sailed in the opposite direction.

Meanwhile, China announced it had placed rocket launchers on Fiery Cross Reef in the South China Sea to protect the man-made island that is also claimed by the Philippines, Vietnam, and Taiwan. The U.S. has not responded to this claim, nor has Trump addressed China's continued militarization of the South China Sea as he campaigned he would.

Regional states like the Philippines, once the staunchest of American allies in Asia, have reached out to engage China in several cooperative measures (despite President Duterte's often offbeat statements), questioning America's willingness and ability to combat China in the South China Sea.

In Japan, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe plans to pursue constitutional reform regarding the use of its Self-Defense Forces. Abe wants to amend the constitution's pacifist clause, Article 9, by 2020 and no longer limit Japan's military forces. This aggressive and once unthinkable notion comes in the face of persistent North Korean military threats, and missile tests crashing down off Japan's coast. Tokyo also seeks to strengthen its abilities to project influence on overlapping territorial claims with China.

China is strongly opposed to any Japanese militarization, and any greater threat to the two states' multiple territorial disputes in the East and South China Seas. With no solid U.S. strategy, Japan feels a stronger, more well-rounded military might be its only means of security against China and North Korea. Beijing is united in the memory of Japanese imperialism in the 20th century, and is not willing to deal with a rearmed Japan off its coast. During their meeting in February, Trump told Abe the U.S. was committed to Japan's security, yet no policy or action has come following the statement.

China is likewise threatened by the deployment of the U.S. Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) anti-ballistic missile system in South Korea – possibly the only strong security commitment being made by the U.S. in the region, however, one that began under the Obama administration. Beijing's strong opposition to THAAD may make China reluctant to take steps to curb the growing threat from North Korea in retaliation for what it sees as a risk to its own ballistic missile deterrent.

This lack of U.S. engagement and ambiguity in communication is creating a security vacuum. Noticeably worried by an absence of American involvement and coherent policy, America's allies in the region have begun looking at other means for ensuring their security. There is a dangerous lack of clear interaction and consistency coming from the U.S. in Asia at a time when a firm and reliable policy is needed to keep the region from a growing security dilemma which could spiral into a regional arms race, destabilizing Asia and increasing the chance of conflict if there is not a swift shift in direction.

A clear and robust U.S. presence in the region is vital to regional security and stability. President Trump still relies too heavily on business tactics when it comes to diplomacy and communicating with other world leaders, treating them too much like business partners. In international relations, personal relationships cannot be relied upon to solve all disputes, or keep foreign leaders in line with nonexistent policy and empty words.

The Trump administration must act fast to fill key positions and develop a consistent line of policy, on which it can show signs of following through on. The North Korea issue cannot be addressed until America's regional stance is stabilized, trust with allies is regained, and the region as a whole is on the same page.

The budding security dilemma present in the current atmosphere presents a unique risk to all countries involved, including the United States, in that a continued absence of American policy in the region could reshape the balance of power. Rhetoric and empty promises will not fix the security issues in Asia, only engagement and a clear strategic approach can.