眾所周知，中美關係出現對抗，往往與美國認為中美關係是零和對立的觀念有關。美國認為中美崛起與衰落之間存在對立關係。筆者認為，這是完全錯誤的看法。

一、經濟總量與綜合實力的悖論。中美GDP總量和綜合實力差距尚遠。2017年，美國GDP全球佔比約為24.32%，而中國GDP全球佔比為14.84%。美國GDP總量約是中國的兩倍多。從綜合實力來看，中美差距顯著。中國還是地區性大國，美國是全球性大國。軍事上美國領先中國20年。中國軍費不到美國的1/3。中國人口是美國四倍。從綜合實力和人均GDP看，美國都遙遙領先於中國。由此，中國實力進一步提升並不必然意味着中美衝突可能性的上升，也不意味着中國將隨着實力的變化而變得更有挑釁性。

二、中美兩國實力消長的對立論。從另一角度看，美國實力或影響力的下降也並非是由於中國崛起所造成的。美國衰落與中國崛起並不必然具有對應關係。中國崛起與美國的相關性不恰當地被扭曲誇大。2008年美國陷入持續性金融危機，這成為導致美國經濟實力甚至是綜合實力下降的新拐點。但這一危機是由於美國國內信貸系統出現問題，同時也是由於美國發動伊拉克戰爭所帶來的巨大財政赤字所致，與中國經濟飛速發展沒有直接關係。

三、國際影響力的零和博弈悖論。至於美國在國際事務影響力的下降，更非中國掣肘所致。與之相反的是，中國在諸如反恐、反核擴散等重大國際事務中一直與美國展開積極的合作。特朗普上台後，美國出於推卸責任、減少成本的目的，退出聯合國教科文組織、聯合國人權理事會、巴黎氣候變化協定和奧巴馬時期倡導的TPP，這更非中國因素所致，而美國進行責任外包和責任轉移的結果。美國採取貿易保護主義，主動減少了對經濟全球化的影響。

戰爭方式作用的下降以及美國對戰爭手段的反思，也是美國影響力降減的原因之一。美國軍事干預能力的下降被認為是美國國際影響力下降的重要標誌，而這一點與中國國力的上升沒有相關性。美國國際影響力下降的原因是多重、多方面的，美國不可能如二戰結束後那樣為所欲為。國際事務更加複雜，美國自身管理理念和手段更新不足，傳統方式不足以應對新威脅等等，都造成了美國國際影響力的下降。此外美國也主動減少對國際組織和國際機構的影響。將美國影響力下降歸於中國影響力上升是沒有道理的。

從中美無法分割的相互依存程度進行分析也可以得出結論：美國衰落並不意味着中國的崛起，美國衰落中國也會被削弱。中國無法從美國的衰落進程中獲益。中美相互依存關係是十分重要的。當中美關係運行良好的時候，其意義並不一定完全展現，但中美關係出現問題，尤其是國際社會出現危機或熱點時，中美關係的重要性則會充分體現出來。

中美的相互依存是新時期中美兩國共同促進的，中美關係是共生共榮共贏的關係，是一榮俱榮一損俱損的關係。

The confrontation between China and the US is rooted in a zero-sum competition mindset, as some in the US believe that China's rise will inevitably come at the expense of the US. The author begs to differ.

In terms of aggregate economic output as well as comprehensive national strength, China still lags behind the US by a large margin. In 2017, the US accounted for 24.32% of global GDP, while China accounted for 14.84%, meaning the US produced twice as much as China in GDP terms. When it comes to comprehensive national strength, China is at best a regional power, while the US remains a global power. While China has a population four times larger than the US, the US leads China in the military domain by approximately 20 years, and spends thrice as much on defense. In aggregate and per capita terms, the US is far ahead of China. That means a stronger China will not necessarily result in a more assertive China, nor up the odds of confrontation with the US.

The 2008 global financial crisis plunged the US into prolonged chaos, and presented a downward inflection for the US, which is attributable to the credit excesses in the US and the fiscal deficit-inducing Iraq war, rather than as a direct outcome of China's growth and development.

China is not responsible for the diminished US influence in world affairs. Rather, China has been reaching out to the US to cooperate on major international affairs such as counter terrorism and nonproliferation. The Trump administration has taken the US out of an array of international obligations, including the UNESCO，UN Human Rights Council, the Paris agreement, and the TPP, primarily driven by a passing-the-buck approach to international affairs and inward looking policy considerations such as protectionism. The US chose to lessen its footprint on its own accord.

Also, the US' military intervention leads to reduced influence around the world. There are multiple reasons behind the perceived decline of American influence, especially compared with the immediate years after WWII. The US has not come up with new approaches in line with an ever evolving world teeming with new threats.

China and the US have a highly interdependent relationship, and American decline does not mean Chinese ascendancy. Neither would one benefit from decline of the other. When everything runs smoothly, the critical importance of a good China US relationship may be taken for granted, but it will come to the fore when pressing global issues call for cooperation and coordination between the two powers.

The two countries are bound together by ever expanding shared interests.